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Many minorities that had never aspired to independence are so shocked by the magnitude and horrors of the camp system that they now say: If we want to survive, we need independence.ĭER SPIEGEL: Are we seeing a repeat of radicalization patterns in China that we have become familiar with in places like the Middle East and Chechnya? We're talking about Uighurs who speak fluent Chinese and who even felt Chinese to a certain degree. But the state has struck back with such force that even people are being oppressed who not only didn't do anything wrong, but who were examples of successful integration. Zenz: The Chinese people expect their government to protect them from such attacks. Both attacks were attributed to militant Uighur groups. Zenz: The propensity for violence has increased significantly since 2009, and you have to realize that Beijing became active primarily after the attacks on Tiananmen Square and in Kunming.ĭER SPIEGEL: In 2013, a car sped into a group of people in Beijing, while in 2014, armed attackers in Kunming killed 31 people and injured 143 more. And it would provide a huge boost to the process of radicalization.ĭER SPIEGEL: China's government points to several serious attacks that have taken place or been planned in Xinjiang.
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If that were to happen, we would have a police state. But if a Muslim man in Germany goes after people with an ax, for example, the state can't simply criminalize all Muslims, throw them into camps and separate parents from their children. Islamist radicalization has taken place within fringe groups. People have been killed with brutal methods. Zenz: There have been instances of Uighurs perpetrating violence. It is a perfidious, all-encompassing concept of social control that is the equivalent of cultural genocide.ĭER SPIEGEL: The government says that social control is a legitimate means in the fight against terrorism.
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Everyone who has spent time in a camp knows that their families won't be free for generations to come, that once they become parents, they won't be able to speak freely with their children because they will be forced to share everything with their teachers. Even after a person is released from a camp, it is nothing but a release into a condition of helplessness inside an open-air prison. The people in the autonomous region of Xinjiang, particularly the ethnic Uighurs and Kazakhs, are being subjugated by a system of social control that, beyond the forced education and forced labor in the camps, has a deep impact on people's lives down to the village, and even household, level. Beijing has the long-term plan of suppressing an entire society. Zenz: It's not just about the camp system. We had already assumed that Xi was directly responsible for Beijing's policies in Xinjiang, but the contents of these papers have to have consequences for Xi, also from an historical perspective. At the very least, he pushed it forward and approved it. It is possible that the internment campaign seen in recent years is entirely his doing. It shows that Chinese President Xi Jinping has ordered the government to take an even harder line than before in the autonomous region of Xinjiang. Zenz: That information is extremely important. If you take everything together, this number approaches the truth.ĭER SPIEGEL: The New York Times just recently published additional internal documentation that confirmed many of the details of your research. But I examined publicly available information, such as job advertisements along with construction and budget plans. From a strictly scientific perspective, this number is speculative because there are no independently confirmable statistics. Zenz: Chinese government documents suggest that it is at least 1 million. SPIEGEL Media Menü SPIEGEL Media aufklappen.Alle Magazine Menü Alle Magazine aufklappen.SPIEGEL-Heft Menü SPIEGEL-Heft aufklappen.Gutscheine Anzeige Menü Gutscheine aufklappen.Marktplatz Anzeige Menü Marktplatz aufklappen.Partner-Inhalte Anzeige Menü Partner-Inhalte aufklappen.Wissenschaft Menü Wissenschaft aufklappen.